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Continental Army (Lake Champlain) Gondola Schuyler |
| Schuyler |
| Patrol Craft | Lieutenant Samuel Lockwood |
| Continental Army Gondola | [23] August 1775- |
| [Lake Champlain Squadron] | |
| [St. Lawrence River Squadron] |
| Commissioned/First Date: | 7 August 1775 |
| Out of Service/Cause: | [Winter 1775-1776]/unknown |
| Tonnage: |
| Battery: | Date Reported: 23 August 1775 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 1/12-pounder 12 pounds 12 pounds Total: 1 cannon/12 pounds Broadside: 1 cannon/12 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: 10 September 1775 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 1/12-pounder 12 pounds 12 pounds Total: 1 cannon/12 pounds Broadside: 1 cannon/12 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: 20 September 1775 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 1/12-pounder 12 pounds 12 pounds Total: 1 cannon/12 pounds Broadside: 1 cannon/12 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: [1] October 1775 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 1/12-pounder 12 pounds 12 pounds Total: 1 cannon/12 pounds Broadside: 1 cannon/12 pounds Swivels: twelve |
| Crew: |
| Description: | 60' long open flat-bottomed boat (presumably gondola type) |
| Officers: |
| Cruises: | (1) Fort Ticonderoga, New York to Crown Point, New York, 28 August 1775-30 August 1775, with the American fleet
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| Prizes: | (1) Quebec Provincial Marine Schooner Mary (Liset), 20 November 1775, in the St. Lawrence River near Sorel, Quebec, with other American forces
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| Actions: | (1) Fort St. Johns, Quebec: Action of 6 September 1775
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Comments:
Either Continental Army Gondola Schuyler or Hancock was the second “gondola” (“gundalow,” “gundaloe”) built on Lake Champlain by the Continental forces there. She was laid down about 7 August 1775, as a 60' long open boat. Major General Philip Schuyler, the commander in the northern department, apparently built her in the expectation that she could lift an enormous 200 men at one time. She was laid down after the first boat, which was presumably finished about 7 August.1
The lake gondolas were easily built and easily handled by inexperienced sailors. They were a type of small craft and ranged from fifty to sixty-four feet in length and from sixteen to twenty feet in beam. All were of the open boat type, although some had bulwarks and raised quarterdecks. A forecastle deck usually supported a heavy gun, with two to four smaller guns in broadside. The largest specimens could carry from six to ten guns. All were fitted for sweeps and some had an outside keel to help in beating to windward, but most were not fitted with one. The larger ones, with a quarterdeck, used the space underneath for quarters. The smaller ones rigged a tent or awning for quarters, or slept the crew in the open.2
The American gondolas were double ended: sharp at bow and stern, and usually were flat-bottomed, without rocker or deadrise.3 The gondola usually had a single mast, mounting a square course and topsail: a few had a single jib flying from the stern. Some had a bowsprit and one or two head sails. Gondolas were heavily sparred and canvassed for their size, being very stiff vessels.4
On 2 August 1775 Schuyler requested that Congress send up a number of good ship carpenters, if Congress wanted vessels of equal or superior force to the British ones building at Fort St. Johns. He notes that, even if built, they will be of little use except as transports, due to the lack of powder.5 On the 6th Schuyler reported to John Hancock. Schuyler noted that boats built on the lake were very bad that the labor was largely lost. If Congress intended Schuyler to build “a Naval force superior to that of the Enemy,” he must keep what carpenters he had and obtain more, some “good” ones.6 From these comments we can gather that Hancock and Schuyler were very rough-built, rude and ready type vessels.
By 23 August the two gondolas (the sixty foot boats) were completed at Fort Ticonderoga. These were named Hancock and Schuyler.7 They were flat-bottomed boats capable of mounting five 12-pounders each, but only one gun was mounted because of a shortage of carriages.8
On 25 August, while Schuyler was attending an Indian conference, his second in command, Brigadier General Richard Montgomery, resolved on an immediate advance to prevent the British vessels at Fort St. Johns from getting into the lake.9 Montgomery and an advance party embarked on 28 August, sailing up to Crown Point.10 The fleet followed, lifting 1200 men in bateaux and boats, escorted by Liberty, Enterprise, and gondolas Hancock and Schuyler.11 In the evening, Waterbury’s Connecticut regiment, four companies of Ritzema’s 4th New York, and Mott’s artillery embarked in the fleet, with the wind fair. At 2200 a heavy rain began, so the soldiers went ashore and bivouacked. The main force arrived at Crown Point on 30 August. “A barbarous north wind” held them there for one day.12 An advance party of Americans landed at Isle aux Noix before 31 August, and in the afternoon of 31 August and on 1 September the remainder of the army with its artillery was to embark.13
Schuyler, now very ill, hurried back to Fort Ticonderoga, arriving on the 30th.14 More men began embarking at Fort Ticonderoga on 31 August to support the advance. The embarkation was expected to be complete by 1 September. Schuyler had only four 12-pounders as a seige train.15 He made arrangements for forwarding more artillery and stores.16 Montgomery’s force departed Crown Point under a south wind on the 31st.17 Schuyler arrived at Crown Point soon after and then left for Isle aux Noix, twelve miles above Fort St. Johns.18
On 3 September Montgomery, the army, and the fleet arrived at Isle la Motte. They had been detained in their voyage by adverse winds and rain.19 The army landed on a "fine, sandy beach," to await Schuyler.20 Schuyler arrived at Isle la Motte on 4 September at noon and immediately ordered the army to re-embark and sail down the lake. The Americans arrived off Isle aux Noix at 1900.21
The first act in the American offensive occurred on the evening of 4 September. As the American army encamped on the first bit of Canada, Schuyler ordered a gun fired as a signal for the friendly Canadians to collect. The next day Schuyler drew up a declaration to the Canadians and forwarded it by Colonel Ethan Allen and Major John Brown. The army prepared to advance by landing the baggage and provisions on Isle aux Noix.22
At dawn on 6 September23 the Americans embarked and proceeded down the Richelieu River to within two miles of Fort St. Johns. No opposition was encountered, nor any British seen. As the fort came within sight the British opened fire, but without doing any damage. The Americans sailed a half mile farther, then landed in a "close deep Swamp." After forming up the Americans advanced through marshy wooded ground to reconnoiter the fort.24 The left flank, under Major Thomas Hobby and Captain Matthew Mead of the 5th Connecticut, was crossing Bernier's Brook (a deep, muddy, and winding stream) when Captain Tice (a New York Tory) attacked with one hundred Indians. The Americans returned fire, then wheeled to their left into a thicket. The firing continued for a half hour.25 After a brief fight the Indians retired, but the sight of five26 to eight27 dead and eight wounded Americans, including Hobby and Mead,28 was sobering. The Americans camped for the night, entrenching against a surprise attack.29 When the British threw a few shells into the American camp, they fell back a mile and entrenched again.30
Schuyler called a Council of War the following morning. After sharing his information from the mysterious visitor, the Council endorsed a retreat to Isle aux Noix. The army re-embarked and sailed back to Isle aux Noix, where Schuyler ordered the men to "secure Ourselves" and prevent "the Enemy" from getting into the lake.31 A boom, already prepared, was to be put across the narrow Richelieu channel32 on the west side of the island.33
Schuyler readied the army to move again. On 9 September34 he instructed Montgomery to take the army (or at least seven hundred men of it)35 and land below Fort St. Johns, following which Lieutenant Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema was to lead a detachment of men around to the west and north of Fort St. Johns, where Ritzema was to take post on the road between Fort St. Johns and LaPrairie, to cut off the communication with the countryside. Schuyler suggested Ritzema approach as closely as possible to Fort St. Johns. Ritzema was to throw out parties of scouts to watch Chambly and prevent supplies reaching the fort. Ethan Allen and John Brown had been ordered to furnish provisions, and Schuyler gave Ritzema gold to pay for them. Ritzema was to purchase or borrow intrenching tools. Montgomery was to remain at the landing place for a time, to cover Ritzema and receive his messages. Ritzema was to collect intelligence, establish correspondence with Montreal, and not to plunder or annoy the inhabitants.36 The covering party was to consist of three hundred men. A muster of the army revealed there were 1394 effectives, including all ranks.37
To support this advance the naval squadron, two row-galleys (these were the gondolas Hancock and Schuyler), each with a 12-pounder, sloop Enterprise, schooner Liberty, and ten bateaux, with three hundred and fifty picked men, were to lay in the river to prevent Royal Savage from escaping to the south.38
The Americans landed about 2200 on 10 September, at the place where they had encamped on the night of the 6th. They formed up and began to march. As they approached the entrenchment from their first visit they received a "very heavy Fire" from two bateaux on the lake, with swivel and grape, supported by Indians sniping from the land. The American gondolas heard the firing and advanced up the river.39 William Douglas took charge of one gondola.40 He fired three 12-pounders at the British bateau. One shot hit the enemy's princpal bateau in the bow, and "tore her from Stem to Stern." She immediately sank, with all her thirty-five man crew.41 Schuyler reported the gondola fired ball and grape into the bateau, and that thirty men were drowned or killed.42 The Americans took the breastwork, killing one Indian and one British soldier in the charge.43
It was now past midnight. The Americans below Fort St. Johns could see the Royal Savage coming down in the morning, her 180 tons looking enormous, and reputedly armed with twelve 9-pounders. The army decided to retreat to Isle aux Noix until more artillery could be obtained.44
The Americans were having a hard go of it. On the 12th 600 men were on the sick list and Waterbury's regiment was down to less than 500 men. General Schuyler was sick in his bed. But the troops, it was reported, were dissatisfied with their late conduct.45 Taking advantage of this feeling of dissatisfaction Schuyler, on the 13th, ordered the army to embark on the 14th for another advance. Guns and mortars were to be loaded in bateaux, carriages for the guns in the galleys (gondolas Hancock and Schuyler). Seventy-two barrels of provisions were to be loaded in the two "Petiaugres," along with axes and intrenching tools. Liberty was to proceed with the Army.46
Captain William Douglas and Lieutenant Samuel Lockwood were ordered to choose "determined Volunteer Crews & good Rowers" for the two galleys.47 Douglas suggested that an attempt on the Royal Savage be part of this third trial at setting up the siege. Montgomery then called for 320 volunteers. The Connecticut men rose in indignation: all considered themselves as volunteers, according to their chaplain Trumbull. He castigated Montgomery, wondering if Montgomery had called for volunteers expecting no response and seeking a scapegoat to blame for defeat.48 Douglas managed to raise a party of volunteers, with the help of Connecticut Colonel Waterbury, but the plan was not attempted.49
The naval plan that evolved was to station the two row galleys (gondolas), armed with a 12-pounder each, and each well manned, with ten bateaux manned with picked men, in the river. Liberty and Enterprise, held over from her resupply mission, were to attack the Royal Savage (now supposed to be completed, with sixteen guns), if the Royal Savage should attempt to come out to destroy the boats and cut off the army's communication. The army to land at the same place as the first time. Three hundred and fifty men were to be in the naval flotilla, with five hundred men stationed north of the fort. Two hundred men were to guard the landing place and the boats, in case the Royal Savage got past the navy.50
Finally, on 17 September, Montgomery led out the American army. The Americans arrived before Fort St. Johns in the evening and encamped.51 The British took up their previous tactics, bombarding the American camp with harassing fire.52 The Americans returned forty-four shots from their 12-pounders, hitting a bateau and the Royal Savage several times.53
The American squadron at Fort St. Johns was disposed in a thin picket line across the Richelieu River, from the upper works to the eastern shore. Enterprise and Liberty were anchored from bow and stern, and lay across current. The two gondolas, Hancock and Schuyler, were anchored with their sterns to the flow. Each gondola now disposed twelve swivel guns. Two large bateaux had been armed with swivels and were placed on the east as flank security. All six vessels were manned with crews totaling 320 men.54
At Fort St. Johns the skirmishes continued. On the 20th the British sent out a bateau as a scout, to examine the American positions.55 Douglas,56 "who commands one of our armed Boats,"57 fired four 12-pounders58 with balls and grape shot, and scored a hit.59 Several of the enemy boats were firing on the Americans. By report, thirty Canadians were killed or drowned.60
The British began the "usual music" at dawn on 25 September, and continued firing all day. At 1600 the Americans fired four cannon at the Royal Savage, two of which thoroughly hulled her. She immediately warped ashore.61 The British had a small reinforcement on the 25th. “. . . The Row Galley was launc’d” on that day according to the journal of Lieutenant John Andre, a member of the garrison. This vessel was armed with one brass 24-pounder in the bow and rowed twelve oars.62 At 0400 the next morning the Americans fired four shots in harassing fire, to which the British replied in kind.63 The Americans had heard that the Royal Savage was to come down on their camp on the 27th, so a two gun battery was being built on the riverside near the camp.64
A report from about the first of October 1775 indicates the American fleet consisted of the schooner Liberty, mounting two 4-pounders and two 2-pounders, with eight or ten swivels; sloop Enterprise, mounting two 6-pounders and four 3-pounders, with eleven swivels, the “Gundalo” Schuyler, mounting one 12-pounder in the bow, with twelve swivels on her sides, the “Gundalo” Hancock with the same battery, and two bateaux with swivel guns.65
A more substantial action ocurred on 4 October. The British hauled an armed vessel66 (a large gondola67 or row galley)68 to the east side of the fort.69 Soldiers boarded the Royal Savage.70 The plan was to force an opening on the east side of the river,71 Livingston's men (the Canadians) were posted there at Hazen's house, and had begun building a battery.72 The new vessel, the Royal Savage, and the fort began a heavy cannonade, principally on the Canadian post. The "Gundaloes" and batteries returned fire, some of Bedels men sallied out, and the Canadians joined in. The British then withdrew.73 The British lost twenty men, while the Canadians had one man wounded.74
During the night of 8 October the Americans shelled the fort, provoking a heavy response.75 This may have been the action that sank the long-feared Royal Savage at her moorings.76 The 70-ton schooner Royal Savage, was described as “very long and something flat bottom’d—elegantly built & finish’d off—mounts 14 brass 6 pounders besides a number of swivels . . . a very handsome elegant vessell.” She was taken under fire and sunk by her dock in shallow water on 16 October.77
Montgomery and Preston agreed to a cessation of fire on 20 October, to allow the prisoners from Chambly and their baggage to be evacuated past the fort by bateau. At the American camp they were put aboard the lake vessels and stayed overnight before being sent up the lake. But the British had ulterior motives in graciously allowing the Americans to bring their prisoners out by boat. From Fort St. Johns the British could see up the river and out into the widening lake. What they could not see, through the thick woods and dense brush, was the American camp. As the bateau loads of prisoners passed by the British fort the stopping of the bateau to unload clearly marked the position of the American camp for the gunners. The British marked the range and waited.78
The British opened fire on 21 October, on the suspected location of the American camp "with great exactness," with both shell and shot. The shelling continued on the 22nd with two Americans killed and two wounded. The Americans moved their encampment farther back to avoid the shelling.79
Following the sinking of the Royal Savage, neither Hancock or Schuyler played much part in the rest of the siege. Fort St. Johns surrendered on 3 November 1775. A new chapter immediately opened for the two gondolas.
About 5 November Montgomery ordered one of the two gondolas (or perhaps both) to be dragged through the rapids and falls on the Richelieu River above Chambly. They were to proceed to Sorel, at the mouth of the river and assist Majors Easton and John Brown, who was establishing a battery there to prevent the British from escaping Montreal. Easton’s battery engaged the British ships off Sorel on 8 November and drove them off, but the gondola had not yet arrived.80 By 16 November both gondolas seem to have arrived at Sorel. About 16 November the British fleet evacuating Montreal arrived near Sorel. They twice tried to run down the river but were driven back.81
The British fleet retired to a point some fifteen miles south of Sorel (upriver).82 Brown boarded a British ship under a flag of truce, and informed the British he had two 32-pounders in the Sorel battery. Of course this was a bluff, but the British had all ready been driven back twice.83 In the night of the 19th British Governor Sir Guy Carleton abandoned HM Brig Gaspee, with the fleet, dressed as a "man of the people." Accompanied by one or two officers, he was rowed with muffled oars down river by an obscure channel through the islands off Sorel.84 The next day the fleet surrendered.85 Captured were the schooner Mary (Liset), schooner Isabella (Bouchet), schooner Queen of Angels (Dussau), schooner Polly (Friend), sloop St. Antoine (Pelesin)86 and HM Brig Gaspee87 and five other craft. Aboard were enormous amounts of provisions88 and some military stores, and several high ranking officers including Brigadier General Richard Prescott.
No further mention of these two gondolas is seen in the records. They presumably were used to move troops or supplies down the St. Lawrence to the Quebec area, but their ultimate fate is unknown.
1 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to the New York Provincial Congress,” I, 1023. As a mere matter of convention I assume Hancock was the first and Schuyler was the second.
2 Chapelle, American Sailing Navy, 101
3 Chapelle, American Sailing Navy, 101
4 Chapelle, American Sailing Navy, 102
5 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 1042
6 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 1078-1079
7 Smith, Marines in the Revolution, 59
8 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to Benjamin Franklin,” I, 1217
9 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
10 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 122
11 Smith, Marines in the Revolution, 27
12 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 150
13 NDAR, "Examination of Private Peter Griffin," 1, 1231-1232; "Major General Philip Schuyler to the Commissioners for Indian Affairs in the Northern Department," 1, 1276
14 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
15 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to the Commissioners for Indian Affairs in the Northern Department,” I, 1276
16 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
17 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 150
18 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45; “George Washington to John Augustine Washington,” II, 67-68
19 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 43-45
20 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 150
21 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 122
22 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 43-45
23 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 151 indicates this action ocurred on 5 September.
24 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 43-45
25 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 151
26 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 43-45
27 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
28 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
29 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 43-45
30 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
31 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 43-45
32 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
33 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 122
34 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
35 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 153
36 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to Lieutenant Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema," II, 66-67
37 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
38 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 153
39 NDAR, "Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775," II, 119
40 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
41 NDAR, "Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775," II, 119
42 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
43 NDAR, "Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775," II, 119
44 NDAR, "Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775," II, 119; "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
45 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
46 NDAR, "General Orders of Major General Philip Schuyler," II, 87; "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
47 NDAR, "General Orders of Major General Philip Schuyler," II, 87
48 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 148-150
49 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 150
50 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock," II, 150-153
51 NDAR, "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler," II, 145-146
52 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
53 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
54 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 152-153
55 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
56 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note; "Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington," II, 162-163
57 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington," II, 162-163
58 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
59 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note; "Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington," II, 162-163
60 NDAR, "Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington," II, 162-163. However, this is identical to the report in "Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, II, 150-153, dated to the 19th. This must refer to an earlier incident on the 10th. In fact the two incidents are suspiciously similar.
61 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
62 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 124
63 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
64 NDAR, "The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign," II, 1387-1400
65 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 124
66 NDAR, "Colonel Samuel Mott to Jonathan Trumbull," II, 320-322
67 NDAR, "The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign," II, 1387-1400
68 NDAR, "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler," II, 319. Montgomery dates this action to the 5th.
69 NDAR, "Colonel Samuel Mott to Jonathan Trumbull," II, 320-322
70 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," 2, 338-340 and 340 note
71 NDAR, "Colonel Samuel Mott to Jonathan Trumbull," II, 320-322
72 NDAR, "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler," II, 319
73 NDAR, "Colonel Samuel Mott to Jonathan Trumbull," II, 320-322
74 NDAR, "Journal of David Safford," II, 338-340 and 340 note
75 NDAR, "The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign," II, 1387-1400
76 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 154
77 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 124
78 NDAR, "The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign," II, 1387-1400
79 NDAR, "The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign," II, 1387-1400
80 NDAR, "Major John Brown to Brigadier General Richard Montgomery," 2, 922
81 NDAR, “Brigadier General Robert Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler,” II, 1056; NDAR, "Journal of Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema," 2, 1070
82 NDAR, "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler," 2, 1069-1070
83 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 162
84 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 162
85 NDAR, "Journal of Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema," 2, 1077
86 NDAR, "Guns and Ordnance Stores taken on the St. Lawrence River near Montreal," 2, 1078
87 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 162
88 NDAR, "Major James Easton to John Hancock," 4, 1461-1462. Easton claimed later that eleven vessels were captured by his 150 men, with 1835 barrels of provisions aboard. (valued at £5505). Condemnation proceedings were held in early 1776 involving these vessels, provisions, and Brown and Easton. NDAR, "Major James Easton to John Hancock," 4, 1461-1462.
| Posted 17 July 2010 |
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